Napetost v Ukrajini - Krimu

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Uporabnik darjan pravi:
Kako pa sploh vemo, kaj ljudstvo tam hoče, in da je to res želja ljudi in ne zgolj rusije, da se vzhod loči od ukrajine?

Pri nas smo imeli legitimen volilen proces, kaj pa tam? Zdaj če neki zamaskiranci skačejo okoli in se tepejo s UA vojsko, še to ne pomeni, da si to večina ljudi želi?

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Uporabnik darjan pravi:
Tebi se zdi "referendum", kjer sploh ni bilo registra volilcev in ljudje so lahko volili večkrat, legitimen?

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Former Rodina head Dmitry Rogozin and two other nationalist-minded leaders created a new party Saturday that appears to have a good chance of getting into the next State Duma -- if it can get registered.

The other co-founders of the new party, Great Russia, are Duma Deputy Andrei Savelyev and Alexander Belov, head of the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, which stages boisterous rallies denouncing the presence of dark-skinned foreigners in Russia. Last month, Rogozin joined the group for a rally meant to counter an opposition Dissenters' March in Moscow.

Great Russia will have a nationalist platform, it will not be an opposition party, and it has no ties to the Kremlin, its founders told reporters after holding a founding congress at the Izmailovo Gamma-Delta hotel in eastern Moscow.

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Ampak tudi take prisluhe in obtožbe se z lahkoto ponaredi tako da....

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Rogozin’s (born in Moscow in 1963) official title is a really influential one. He is the deputy prime minister in charge of the military industrial complex, nuclear power, shipbuilding, aviation and radio electronics industry, even of the border policy.
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The informal influence of Rogozin is well reflected by several formal structures. First of all, Rogozin is the leader of the so-called informal “Izborsk club” which helped unite a big part of influential Russian nationalists.

Truth be told, you won’t find Rogozin’s name among the club members. He was there at the very beginning of the club, but apparently decided to remain behind the scenes. Even the “Evrazia” portal, which is directly related to Alexander Dugin, one of the leaders of the Izborsk club and nationalist ideologist, wrote after the club’s inaugural meeting on 8 September 2012: “The club united such Russian patriots as Alexander Prokhanov, Mikhail Leontyev, Mikhail Shevchenka, Alexander Dugin, Nikolay Starikov, Vitaly Averyanov and Dmitry Rogozin.”
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However, at least half of the Izborsk club member can be considered members of Rogozin’s clan or at least his companions. Furthermore, the club’s main ideologists, editors of the ultranationalist paper “Zavtra” Alexander Prokhanov and Alexander Dugin, are Rogozin’s old comrades from the very early days of the “Rodina” party. And the real founder of the Izborsk club is Sergey Glazyev, a presidential advisor who is yet another of Rogozin’s colleagues and current companions.

The fact that this structure is called a “club” should not confuse one. It is more than just a “think tank” (so common in the Western world) because it has a much greater direct influence on government decisions. Formal or informal representatives of the Izborsk club in the presidential administration include the above-mentioned Glazyev and Putin’s assistant Igor Shchyogolev. Apart from Rogozin, the club’s ideas are also supported in the government by Vladimir Medinski, the Minister of Culture.
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The Izborsk club has also provided the ideological basis for Russia’s aggression in Ukraine with their manifesto “Saving Ukraine”, published on 13 February this year (more than a week before the revolution victory in Kiev). The main thesis of the manifesto became part of the public rhetoric of many Russian politicians and diplomats from the outset of the aggression. But we will return to that later.
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The truth is that Rogozin is forced to constantly compete for his power over the military-industrial complex, and sometimes literally fight with Sergey Chemezov, another extremely influential leader of a Russian government clan and head of the Russian state corporation “Rostech”.
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As noted above, the Izborsk club and the ideology of Alexander Dugin and Alexander Prokhanov basically defined Putin's “conservative doctrine”. Glazyev, Mikhail Delyagin and other economists of the Izborsk club, or at least the ones close to it, try to have a significant impact on Russia’s economic policy. The recently retired deputy minister of economic development Andrei Klepach is considered to be Rogozin’s man. The Ministers of Education and Culture, Medinski and Livanov, have titles that accurately reflect their influence in those fields.

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Let’s start with the fact that aggression in Crimea started not at the end of February when it was all over the news, but in the beginning of February. Zhuravlev, the deputy of Duma and “Rodina’s” leader who was seen as Rogozin’s second-hand , established the “Slavic anti-fascist front” in Crimea. It is important to stress that this movement was created with none other than Sergey Axyonov, the leader of region’s “Russian Unity” party who came to power after the Crimean revolution.

Zhuravlev did not even try to mask his plans. According to him, the battle groups were created right away to “fight the fascist gunmen”. He also made an announcement about the Parliament’s group that would review the decision to give Crimea to Ukraine that was signed back in 1954 by USSR leader Nikita Khrushchev.
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In this context the chronology of Axyonov’s “bringing to power” in Crimea is also very eloquent. On February 25 Zhuravlev made a public announcement about the general “anti-fascist reserve” mobilization for protecting Sevastopol and other Crimean cities. Supposedly there was a threat of “Maidan mobsters” seizing the government.

On the same day Zhuravlev flew to Crimea, and on the night from February 26 to 27 the armed men invaded Crimean Parliament and government. After a few hours Axyonov showed up in the Parliament and (supervised by armed gunmen) started inviting its members to a meeting where the Crimean parliament deposed the government of the former frontmen Yanukovych, and Axyonov was appointed a new prime minister.
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Alexander Borodai, who was the prime minister of the so-called People’s Republic of Donetsk and the former advisor of Crimean prime minister Axyonov, and who resigned in early August and was deeply involved in all the aggression not only in Donbass together with Girkin, is an old comrade of Rogozin’s clan member, “Zavtra’s” editor Prochanov, the author of the magazine and the partner in various other projects. Moreover, Borodai is officially mentioned among the experts of “Russian doctrine” that was prepared according to Rogozin’s request.

Ukraine's Security Services has no doubt that at least part of the Russian aggression against Ukraine was financed and organized by the Orthodox billionaire Konstantin Malofeyev. At the beginning of the bloody battles in Donbass they even recorded and published Malofeyev’s phone conversation with Girkin where they discussed the course of aggression.

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Russia has denied supplying the pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine who have taken over a number of cities and towns. Hodges compared the Russian denials to late-night sketch comedy.

"It's almost like a Saturday Night Live skit, except they're completely serious about it. But they say it so much, when in fact the only foreign troops in Ukraine are Russian," Hodges said, addressing reporters at the Pentagon via video feed from Wiesbaden, Germany.

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